My journey with archaeology began not in a high-tech laboratory, but in the red dust of Jordan’s ancient sites. As a student at Yarmouk University and later as a field archaeologist, I spent years unearthing the tangible remains of our past, working on projects that stretched from the Roman aqueducts of Gadara (Umm Qays) to the Nabataean wonders of Petra. There is a unique, almost indescribable thrill in discovering an ancient coin in a fresh excavation layer. To me, it is never just a piece of metal; it is a tiny, circular portal to a specific year, a specific ruler, and an entire economy that existed thousands of years ago. However, my early experiences teaching field archaeology at sites like Umm Qays taught me a sobering lesson: the most dangerous threat to our history is not time or erosion—it is the modern forger.

In recent years, the challenge of counterfeit ancient coins in Jordan evolved from a niche scholarly concern into a pressing matter of public debate. News of sophisticated forgeries circulating in the local market, and even more distressing reports of original numismatic collections in museums being swapped for replicas, shook the public’s trust. These were no longer just legal cases; they became “matters of public opinion,” threatening the very integrity of our national identity. As a researcher who had already spent years combating the illicit trade of antiquities, I realized that our traditional methods of visual inspection were no longer enough to verify these ancient currencies. We needed a “scientific shield”—a way to let the coinage itself testify to its own age and authenticity.

My pursuit of this scientific solution started during my MA studies at Yarmouk University. I owe a great debt of gratitude to Prof. Ziad Al-Saad, who was the first to truly open my eyes to the gravity of this issue. Drawing from his experience as the former director general of the Department of Antiquities, he shared a profound, first-hand perspective on the true scale of the counterfeiting crisis and the real technical challenges Jordan faced in confronting it. It was through his guidance that my passion was truly ignited; I felt a deep responsibility to fight this phenomenon and protect our heritage. This inspiration drove me to develop a rigorous, multi-tiered authentication protocol, moving from stylistic and physical assessments to investigating manufacturing methods, and finally, a deep dive into the chemical composition of the metal.

To bring this vision to life, I moved to Germany to pursue my PhD at the Technische Universität Berlin. I was incredibly fortunate to conduct my research under the supervision of Prof. Stefan Simon, director of the Rathgen Research Laboratory, which is part of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (National Museums in Berlin). Prof. Simon provided unwavering support for this study, opening the doors to the oldest museum laboratory in the world and offering all the laboratory’s resources and cutting-edge facilities to implement and validate my methodology. My project was specifically focused on developing a comprehensive, systematic approach for the detection of the counterfeiting of ancient coins. This methodology is built on a multi-tiered forensic sequence designed to uncover even the most sophisticated modern replicas. The process begins with a meticulous visual inspection to analyze stylistic features, followed by physical assessments such as weight and density measurements. We then move into the heart of the technical analysis: investigating the manufacturing methods to see if they align with ancient striking or casting techniques. The final and most decisive stage involves a deep dive into the chemical composition of the metal. By integrating these layers—from surface aesthetics to elemental DNA—we can reach a point of absolute certainty regarding the coin’s authenticity. The ultimate goal was to apply these rigorous tests to a corpus of coins seized by Jordanian law enforcement and held by the Department of Antiquities (DoA)—the legal guardian of Jordan’s cultural heritage. 

However, I soon faced a major logistical challenge. The administrative and legal requirements for shipping these artifacts from Jordan to Berlin were extremely complex. Progress became possible through a shift in the management approach at the DoA, which prioritized international scientific collaboration to solve such hurdles. With the direct facilitation of the minister of Tourism and Antiquities, Dr. Imad Hijazeen, and the director general of Antiquities, Dr. Fawzi Abu Danah, together with the professional staff at the DoA, it was decided to conduct the study locally. They provided the necessary workspace and support within the DoA facilities in Amman, allowing us to implement the methodology on site and ensuring that the project could move forward effectively. “Progress often requires a shift in perspective.” A practical solution was reached. Rather than moving the coins to the lab, I brought the lab to the coins.

To overcome the daunting logistical challenges, I built a comprehensive “micro-laboratory” from the ground up directly within the main storage facilities of the DoA. This was not merely a setup, but a full-scale mobilization of technical resources that involved the carefully managed transfer of analytical instruments and delicate conservation tools from the Regional Center for Conservation and Restoration in Jerash to the repositories in Amman. This strategic feat transformed a standard storage environment into a high-level scientific hub, ensuring the 65 confiscated ancient coins remained in a secure, controlled space while being subjected to rigorous investigation.

The creation of this laboratory was further empowered by the James A. Sauer Fellowship (2025–2026) from ACOR, which provided the essential funding to equip the site with a sophisticated suite of technology. This included the procurement of high-precision measurement tools, specialized mechanical cleaning equipment, and advanced imaging gear for professional macro-documentation. By building this functional laboratory “from scratch” within the heart of the repositories, I demonstrated that world-class archaeological science can be successfully localized.

The completion of this phase marked a significant milestone; while I meticulously restored the storage area and returned the borrowed equipment to Jerash, the impact of the work remained deeply embedded. The facilities were left physically unchanged, yet they were now enriched with a wealth of invaluable scientific data—a digital and analytical legacy that previously did not exist. The success of this approach led me to the 16th International Conference on the History and Archaeology of Jordan (ICHAJ 16) in Athens, where I presented this “Jordanian Model” of scientific numismatic authentication to global experts.

Today, the project is expanding; I am currently planning to incorporate a diverse range of study samples from various key institutions, including the Jordan Museum and the Jordan Ahli Bank, to broaden the scope of my findings. This ongoing work will culminate in the presentation of my final results at the ASOR Annual Meeting in Chicago in 2026, marking a significant milestone in this international outreach. This project has evolved into a pivotal pillar for heritage preservation in Jordan, providing the definitive evidence needed to distinguish our genuine history from modern fabrications. This work is more than just a PhD; it is a long-term commitment to ensuring that Jordan’s numismatic history remains untarnished. By establishing a comprehensive scientific fingerprint encompassing the stylistic, physical, and chemical attributes of every coin, I am creating a permanent and faithful guardian for our historical truth.

Mohammad Rababah is a PhD candidate in archaeology at Technische Universität Berlin. His research focuses on developing a systematic methodology for detecting ancient coin counterfeiting using non-destructive scientific techniques, advanced imaging technologies, and machine learning. This innovative approach aims to improve the authentication of numismatic collections and support the protection of cultural heritage. He holds a master’s degree in conservation and management of cultural resources and a bachelor’s in archaeology and anthropology from Yarmouk University in Jordan. From early in his academic journey, Mohammad has been deeply engaged in the preservation of Jordan’s archaeological legacy. With over a decade of professional experience, he has worked as a field archaeologist with the German Archaeological Institute in Saudi Arabia and Yarmouk University. His responsibilities have included excavation, artifact analysis, documentation, and heritage conservation. He has also served as a teaching assistant and research associate on several international cultural heritage projects, contributing to education, preservation, and site management. His current research includes collaborations with museums and laboratories in Jordan and Germany, analyzing ancient coin samples to develop a replicable framework for detecting forgeries. Mohammad’s work stands at the intersection of archaeological science and heritage protection, blending technical precision with cultural responsibility.

The post Science Without Borders: Overcoming Hurdles to Protect the Identity of Jordan’s Ancient Coins appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

During my time as an undergraduate, I enrolled in a course called “Technology in Prehistoric Periods.” At 19, the word “technology” still made me think of computers, but I signed up out of curiosity. Prof. Maysoon Al-Nahar introduced us to the fascinating world of stone tool technology using Neolithic assemblages from Tell Abu Suwwan (ASW) (Fig. 1). That course gave me my first encounter with a real prehistoric stone tool—a moment I still remember vividly. 

Years later, after I completed my master’s research, which focused on the African Middle Stone Age (c. 300,000–30,000 years ago), Prof. Al-Nahar invited me back to the University of Jordan to assist with her ongoing analysis of ASW (Fig. 2). Alongside other students, I helped sort and study thousands of stone artifacts. Among them, one type of flake caught my attention: It showed removals from its ventral surface, a practice not common at most prehistoric sites. These “cores-on-flakes” (COFs) were flakes originally removed from a core for everyday use—but here they were reused as cores themselves, creating more flakes (Fig. 3). It reminded me of repurposing a cookie tin to store needles and thread—but happening thousands of years ago. I decided to investigate this phenomenon further. I applied to the American Center of Research for funding in 2023 and was initially rejected, but I successfully received support in 2025 for my project “Stone Tool Optimization and Recycling Mechanisms in Tell Abu Suwwan (STORM).”

For the STORM project I examined 500 artifacts and worked in collaboration with Ruaa Al-Athamneh, a master of arts student, resulting in a combined dataset of 1,232 artifacts. Research took place at the University of Jordan, using both technological and typological approaches. Our main question was whether these cores-on-flakes represent deliberate recycling or a standard reduction strategy at ASW—a site located just meters from abundant raw material. Based on previous studies, one might not expect recycling at a site with such readily available stone, which made the investigation particularly intriguing.

Our analysis revealed that COFs were mostly created from reduction “waste” rather than formal cores. Size did not matter much. These flakes were selected to produce small, functional flakes—rarely more than two removals per flake. The resulting flakes were tiny, often less than 2 cm long, with minimal shaping or preparation. It seems the people at ASW were focused on quickly producing small cutting tools from existing materials rather than investing much time and effort.

The results show early humans deliberately recycling their stone tools. Even in a landscape where raw material was abundant, the knappers at ASW found ways to make the most of what they already had. Rather than creating a wasteful surplus, they turned old flakes into new tools—demonstrating ingenuity, adaptability, and resourcefulness. In other words, the COFs reflect a deliberate, flexible strategy for meeting everyday needs.

The outcomes of the STORM project are being prepared for submission to a peer-reviewed journal. Finally, I would like to sincerely thank the American Center of Research for funding this project, which made it possible to carry out the research and investigate these aspects of Neolithic life at Tell Abu Suwwan.

Osama Samawi is the 2025–2026 S. Thomas Parker Memorial Fund Fellow. He is a PhD candidate in the Interdisciplinary Center for Archaeology and the Evolution of Human Behavior (ICArEHB) at the University of Algarve, Portugal, where he researches the Middle and Later Stone Age in Mozambique. His work focuses on experimental knapping, lithic techno-economics, and the human-environment nexus during the Middle Stone Age. He is also engaged in research projects on the Middle Stone Age in Jordan, South Africa, and Oman.

The post Stone Tools on Repeat: Exploring Prehistoric Recycling Practices appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

Prior to this field school, my only archaeological experience and exposure came from classes I had taken at the University of Alberta, volunteer work I had done with one of my professors, and travels I had taken with my family. Never once had I stepped foot on a site intending to contribute to its archaeological knowledge—until now. After spending three weeks at the Humayma Archaeological Field School in Jordan under the supervision of Prof. Craig A. Harvey, I have become better equipped to understand the nuanced processes and work involved in modern archaeology. This is especially true for instances in which archaeological surveying unexpectedly uncovers discoveries which require adjustments to the work. Through my time spent at the American Center of Research (ACOR) and at the archaeological site of Humayma, I developed valuable skills in photography, photogrammetry, and writing site reports. These “hard” skills were complemented by the “soft” skills I also cultivated during my time in Jordan. These included establishing positive relationships with the Bedouin people and the Jordanian Department of Antiquities to help protect the site of al-Humayma against looting. All in all, my time spent under the Jordanian sun was both mentally and physically stimulating, and I could not have asked for a better first experience at an archaeological field school.

Before going into the field, I spent a week at ACOR, examining materials found at al-Humayma from previous seasons, which contributed tremendously to my ability to both understand the site and work meaningfully at it. From late Nabataean fine ware to African red slip, and from stone cooking ware to terracotta pipes, it was through these materials and lectures (both formal and informal) that I gained a greater understanding of the site’s history and the artifacts found there. I am a very hands-on person, and I tend to retain information much better when I can see, hold, and feel in real time what it is I am learning about. If it were not for the lessons on these materials, I would not have had the ability to examine objects at al-Humayma so easily and discern a cup base from a perfume bottle rim—a skill I had no idea I could hone in just two weeks!

My fond experiences examining the material artifacts also extended to photography and photogrammetry. As Matthew Vincent, project director at ACOR, would often say, “The future of archaeology is in 3D modules.” Through him, I learned about real-time kinematic positioning (RTK), how to use it in the field to improve the accuracy of data from global navigation satellite systems used in surveys, and the important role it plays in creating 3D models of a site. With the field school’s MA student, Josh Feland, I learned about RealityScan and how to do photogrammetry, from small artifacts to large complexes. I was able to later apply these skills in the field, helping Sophie Tews, one of the field school’s supervisors, with the RTK positioning of a monumental tomb structure and an unknown “latrine” structure, which was used to help with photogrammetry of those features. It is incredible to see just how technology has improved our ability to do archaeological work, both in surveying and excavations. These are skills I will continue to refine and use. As I reflect on my three weeks in Jordan, I see that my biggest accomplishments, without a doubt, are developing my photographic techniques, learning how to use software for 3D scanning and modelling, and honing my ability to assess a site and take in-depth notes. Although I had some prior experience with photography and 3D scanning, I was able to learn more about the techniques involved.

Before the field school, I would not have known the importance of shooting photos in aperture mode for photogrammetry or the proper way to take site photographs to use as references for future surveying and excavation. As well, I found that, by the end of the last week, I was able to create in-depth notes which accurately identified and captured key features and aspects of the sites and complexes I worked on. As I continue my education and work as a field archaeologist in CRM, I see these skills becoming invaluable for helping determine whether an area is an archaeological site and quickly assessing specific elements of said site, whether it was a religious complex, a burial feature, or simply a midden/garbage dumping ground. Most especially, my ability to do all of this on my own with little to no supervision — to have my director feel confident in my ability to be unsupervised and produce good work — has been the most profound accomplishment for me. This field school has set me up for success for a future in archaeology by providing me invaluable experience working hands-on with materials, applying theory from class and volunteer work in a practical way, and, most especially, helping confirm that archaeology, with a specialization in heritage management, is the career I see myself pursuing wholeheartedly

Rachel Carroll, Jennifer C. Groot Memorial Fellow (2025-2026), is a fourth-year Combined Honors Undergraduate student at the University of Alberta who is also completing academic certificates in Archaeology and International Learning. Her focus throughout her degree has been on researching how people form and reinforce identities through cultural practices during turbulent and transitional periods.

The post Under the Jordanian Sun: Summary Reflections of a Student Archaeologist at the Humayma Archaeological Field School appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

I had the privilege of staying at the American Center of Research during the months of May, June, and July of 2025 and conducting research on depictions of Midian/Madyan in the Hebrew Bible and the Qur’an. Historically, Midian/Madyan is believed to have been located in the northwestern Arabian Peninsula, with its northernmost boundaries around Jordan’s Gulf of Aqaba and its capital in Saudi Arabia’s Tabuk region. In the Hebrew Bible, Midian represents the place where the Prophet Moses is said to have escaped and settled, as well as where the Israelites lived between their exodus from Egypt and arrival in Canaan. The Hebrew Bible is so rich with allusions to God and Midian that since the nineteenth century, a school of biblicists have argued that the Israelites first adopted their conception of their deity from a people who lived there, in what has become known as the Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis. As the idea is based on a scholarly “hunch” rather than a substantial body of evidence, it remains a hypothesis. The biblical allusions are rich, but the archaeological record on Midian has only recently emerged and has yet to reveal anything about the land’s religious landscape (Fig. 1). Naturally, any relevant literature from the Semitic milieu of late antiquity comes as a welcome source of insights. 

Here we come to the Qur’an. Although certainly beyond the secular paradigm of the Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis, the Qur’an lends weight to the idea that in Madyan there was a precedent for Israelite religious thought. While the Qur’an shares with the Hebrew Bible the account of the Prophet Moses meeting his father-in-law in Madyan, it also features a unique account of a Prophet Shu’aib, who is portrayed as having preached there centuries before the Prophet Moses or the Israelites arrived. Whereas the Hebrew Bible calls the Prophet Moses’s father-in-law “the Priest of Midian” without saying anything about this priest’s religion, the Qur’an conveys a continuity of beliefs between him and his regional predecessor, the Prophet Shu’aib. Although the Qur’anic style generally lends to thematic continuity between prophets, it would appear that the Qur’an is specifically highlighting Madyan’s regional religious significance; not only does Madyan account for one of the few place names in the scripture, but it is also the only land in which the stories of both an “Arabian” and a “biblical” prophet—Shu’aib and Moses, respectively—take place. This significance might not have been lost on the Qur’an’s 7th-century audience in the neighboring Hejaz, for whom Madyan was a cultural-spatial bridge between them and Palestine. One example of how the Qur’an impresses religious significance upon Madyan is how it insists on its location for Mount Sinai. The Qur’an insisted on a Midian location despite the belief current since the 4th century that this mountain was located in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, an association cemented by Justinian I’s construction of the St. Katherine’s Monastery there. Mount Sinai’s location is just one case in which the Qur’an subtly weighs in on important debates among biblicists. 

I am honored to have resided and conducted research at ACOR (Fig. 2). It is a place of gathering for archaeologists and enthusiasts of the region’s history. The library has for decades facilitated research that draws from diverse primary and secondary sources, putting archaeological findings in conversation with religious scriptures and their commentaries. Most importantly, ACOR is the home of a cohort of researchers and scholars from a range of disciplines, all converging on their interest in the region. I am honored to be the first ACOR fellow since 2002 to be awarded a grant focused on Qur’anic research and hope to see more projects like it in the future. I would like to extend my warmest gratitude to my fellowship grantors, Dr. Pierre and the late Dr. Patricia Bikai, for their generous patronage of my research, as well as ACOR’s staff for facilitating such a comfortable, welcoming stay. 

Kareem Rosshandler was the 2025–2026 recipient of the Pierre and Patricia Bikai Fellowship. He is a PhD student at Emory University in the fields of Islamic studies and comparative religions. Prior to resuming his academic career, he served as a researcher and project manager at the West Asia-North Africa Institute in Amman, Jordan. His focus areas included human security, international trade, and refugee inclusion. He received his BA from the George Washington University and his MA in Middle Eastern studies from the University of Chicago.

The post The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis and the Qurʾan: A Salute to ACOR appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

This year I was able to participate in the study season for the Khirbet al-Muhkayyat Project, along with Kathleen Macleod Kerr, a fellow undergraduate student from Wilfrid Laurier University. We were delighted to return to the dig house in Madaba where we had stayed in 2023 while completing the field-school credit for our degree program. However, this year we felt like true members of the team, as we were participating in work that would make its way into final project reports. 

When we first arrived in Jordan, on May 14, we still had a few days to ourselves before the senior team members arrived. We decided to take a return trip to Petra, since it had been so breathtaking last year, and it was just as mind-blowing this year (and even better, I was able to visit on my birthday!). We spent some time trekking up the steep hills of Wadi Musa back to our hotel and were able to stop and catch our breath while talking and playing soccer with some local boys. Talking with them was a nice break while we regained our composure from the long walk up hills and stairs.

A few days later, work kicked off in the dining-room-turned-office in the dig house. The kitchen tables were transformed into an intricate maze of makeshift desks where everyone pored over articles, potsherds, maps, and bones. The main task for Kathleen and I was to draw potsherds from last year’s field season that had been stored in the museum in Madaba; our drawings would become illustrations in the reports that senior members were writing (Fig. 1). We also worked on editing and digitizing pottery drawings from last year, as well as previous years, practiced some pottery reading, and helped with organizational housekeeping tasks such as labeling boxes and bags of human and animal remains. It was a wonderful opportunity and experience to work more closely with the senior team members than we had our first year, and we both hope to return to Jordan next field season to work with everyone again.

During our final few days in Jordan, Kathleen and I decided to venture out on our own to experience Jordan in ways that we did not have time to do in 2023 given our tight schedule. We took a taxi down to Wadi Mujib and experienced an exhilarating (both because of the scenery and from fighting the currents) hike through the waterfalls and beautiful stone passageways. It was well worth the hike to reach the waterfall at the end of the trail (Fig. 2)! The next day, we took a trip to Amman with the logistics manager for the project, Mashoor, and his family to visit the project leader, Prof. Debra Foran. In Amman, at Jafra Restaurant and Café, we had the most delicious breakfast I have ever experienced. We then headed to the American Center of Research to have lunch and chat with researchers staying there and were able to explore the grounds a bit before heading into the library to get some more work done (Fig. 3). 

Overall, our trip to Jordan was well worth it, and with our newfound knowledge and valuable experiences, we hope to return as part of the KMAP team next summer

Nina Rozic is an undergraduate student at Wilfrid Laurier University, finishing up her fourth year and graduating with a major in archaeology and heritage studies and a minor in global studies. Recipient of the Jennifer C. Groot Memorial Fellowship, she is interested in pottery and artifact care and curation and enjoys learning about Near Eastern and Mesoamerican archaeology. In 2024 Nina is also participating in a work-study program in collections management, working with cataloging and re-boxing legacy collections at her university, as well as working on completing an individualized directed study on Mamluk pottery from Trans-central Jordan under Dr. Debra Foran, using survey pottery from previous seasons.

The post Joining the 2024 Study Season at Khirbet al-Mukhayyat appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

In November 1980, the Arab League met in Amman, Jordan, for a summit aimed at promoting Arab unity, particularly against Israel and Egypt, which had concluded a peace treaty the previous year. But the summit rapidly fell apart, as members of the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front (جبهة الصمود والتّصدي) — Syria, Algeria, Libya, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) — boycotted the meeting, and Syria and Jordan mobilized thousands of troops to their shared border. Although hostilities were avoided, the incident signaled deepening fissures in the Arab world, which was now split into two major camps: the so-called moderates — Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Iraq — which supported Iraq’s war against Iran, and the purportedly “radical” Steadfastness Front backing Iran and boycotting the summit.

Just two years earlier, the Arabs had come together in Baghdad, Iraq, for a summit where they presented a united front against the Egyptian-Israeli rapprochement. Now the Steadfastness Front, originally formed in 1977 as a bulwark against Egypt’s defection from the Arab fold, seemingly worked against Arab unity, aligning itself with both Iran and the Soviet Union; in fact, in early 1980, the Front’s members were the only Arab states to vote against the United Nations resolution condemning the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. (Sudan also voted agains the resolution, but later claimed it was unintentional [Dishon and Maddy-Weitzman 1981: 180].) 

What led to this division within the Arab world? How did the Front relate to the Soviet Union and the United States? How did these “radical” Arabs impact regional and Cold War dynamics? My dissertation project seeks to answer these questions. To my knowledge, the Front’s importance has not received sustained scholarly attention, and it certainly has not been explored using archival sources. I argue that relations between the United States, Soviet Union, and Arab “radicals” — including the Steadfastness Front and, until about 1979, Iraq — played a significant role in the decline of superpower détente and reshaped the Greater Middle East. It highlights the agency of small, relatively weak state and nonstate actors in the Global Cold War, illustrating their ability to shape events in their favor (Smith 2000). It does so by examining the Front’s internal dynamics, its members’ behavior in Arab and world politics both publicly (e.g., at the United Nations, Arab League summits, and Non-Aligned Movement conferences) and privately, and its influence on and response to major historical processes including the Lebanese Civil War, Iranian Revolution, Ogaden War, Egyptian-Israeli peace process, and Soviet-Afghan War. Ultimately, I argue that while the Front failed to block the Egyptian-Israeli peace process, it succeeded in preventing the peace process from expanding further.

I will tell this complex story drawing on sources in English, Arabic, Bulgarian, and Russian. My research will take me to various archives in the United States, United Kingdom, and Bulgaria, including several repositories with Arabic-language collections, such as the Ba’th Party Records at the Hoover Institution. In addition to archival research, I will also draw on memoirs, journalistic accounts, speeches, and interviews to fill in the gaps left by spotty documentary records and limited archival access in the Arab world. In my time at the American Center of Research as the Pierre and Patricia Bikai Fellow, I worked to translate portions of memoirs by important Arab leaders, including Mudar Badran, George Habash, and Abdessalam Jelloud. 

References

Dishon, Daniel and Bruce Maddy-Weitzman. 1981. “Inter-Arab Relations.” In Middle East Contemporary Survey, vol. IV: 1979–80, edited by Colin Legum, Haim Shaked, and Daniel Dishon, 180. New York and London: Holmes & Meier Publishers.

Smith, Tony. 2000. “New Bottles for New Wine: A Pericentric Framework for the Study of the Cold War.” Diplomatic History 24 (4): 567–591.

Benjamin V. Allison is a PhD student in history and a Graduate Fellow at the Clements Center for National Security at the University of Texas at Austin, specializing in the history of U.S. foreign and national security policy, especially toward the Middle East and Russia. His work has been published in Perspectives on Terrorism and by the International Centre for Counter-terrorism. As for his public-facing work, he has bylines at Time, the Chronicle of Higher Education, Not Even Past, Inkstick, RealClearHistory, the Wilson Center, and the Institute for Faith and Freedom at Grove City College.

The post Through the Cracks of Détente: The Superpowers, the Arab “Radicals,” and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984 appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

I had the opportunity to participate in the Khirbat al-Mukhayyat Archaeological Project in Jordan for my first field school as an undergraduate from Wilfrid Laurier University thanks to a Jennifer C. Groot Memorial Fellowship award from the American Center of Research. I enjoyed working alongside my peers, the local community, and professors, including Dr. Debra Foran. Throughout my time in Jordan, I learned new terminology, used my knowledge and skills from past classes, and participated in what is, for me, a new culture. The team members and I were fortunate to open up a handful of units, go on survey, and practice our lab work. Excavation was conducted with research goals in mind: Khirbat al-Mukhayyat was a lively area during the Bronze and Iron Ages, and the archaeological data make clear that there was social, political, and economic development taking place here. The 2023 season had a set of objectives, such as mapping and collecting data from architectural finds, collecting artifacts and samples, as well as analyzing the data, entering it into the database, and undertaking preservation/conservation. The students had the chance to experience all aspects of the archaeological process, including excavation, survey, flotation, and various kinds of lab work. The lab work I performed consisted of washing and sorting pottery for further analysis. Object drawing and pottery registration were also a part of the afternoon routine. 

My favorite part of the field school was excavating on site. Searching for artifacts and learning not only more about them but also why it was either common or rare to find different types of objects was very interesting. The archaeological fieldwork experience felt unreal—not only was the view from the site spectacular, but being able to see the new research focuses for the year was exciting. Participating in this project in Jordan was an unforgettable experience as I learned more about not just the archaeology but also the local culture and people. I also very much enjoyed my first time surveying in the wadi, which I was able to experience with good friends, mentors, and colleagues. I enjoyed the hike and searching the surface for pottery, lithic tools, and other objects. I was able to apply my knowledge from one of my courses, Artifact Analysis, which made these artifacts easier to spot in the condensed fields. 

Living in Madaba was an enriching experience; just walking to different shops and trying different foods added to our cultural understanding. Some of my favorite things to eat were the pita and hummus, falafel wraps, and shawarmas. Our cook also made our group delicious dishes for lunch, and in Wadi Rum we were able to try a traditional meal cooked underground. All the Jordanians on the project were very welcoming and made our time in Jordan very enjoyable. It was a pleasure to get to know them.

Throughout my time in Jordan, every weekend our group went on field trips to different archaeological sites. Some of my favorites were Jerash, Petra, Wadi Rum, and Qasar Azraq. I enjoyed seeing Qasar Azraq, as I was fascinated by the basalt blocks with which the castle was built. Walking through the Roman city of Jerash was amazing, especially seeing the Temple of Artemis and the Temple of Zeus. Jerash was especially impressive for how large and well-preserved the temples are. Hiking through the trails at Petra was an unforgettable experience. Being with my peers and walking on the steps to get to the monastery—and seeing the whole site from the highest points—was an amazing journey. After Petra we went to Wadi Rum, where the night sky was saturated with stars. Not only were we fed a delicious dinner, but being a part of a group of students running around in the desert was lots of fun and a satisfying way to end that weekend trip. 

Overall, my field-school experience was more than I could have ever expected. Khirbat al-Mukhayyat was so beautiful and everyone on the project was very helpful. I learned much through excavating and enjoyed learning about Jordan’s complex history. The Near East has such interesting archaeology, and I hope to come back and study more in Jordan. 

Miya Pletsas is an undergraduate student attending Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. She is majoring in archaeology and heritage studies, with a minor in North American studies. She has just finished her second year and is a member of the Archaeology Society. She also volunteers at pottery labs and works as an instructional assistant for a first-year archaeology course. She is interested in Near Eastern archaeology and enjoys learning about pottery. Miya will be completing her fieldwork credit at the Khirbet al-Mukhayyat Archaeological Project in Jordan in the summer of 2023 thanks to the Jennifer C. Groot Memorial Fellowship offered by the American Center of Research.

The post Being Introduced to Archaeology in Jordan at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

I am a master’s student in the Anthropology Department at East Carolina University. Throughout the months of June and July 2022, I held a Pierre and Patricia Bikai Fellowship at the American Center of Research in Amman and, while resident there, used their resources to complete the data collection for my master’s thesis, which focuses on the site of Petra, specifically the Petra North Ridge (Fig. 1). The Petra North Ridge Project, co-directed by Dr. Megan Perry and the late Dr. S. Thomas Parker, was responsible for the excavations that took place during the summers of 2012, 2014, and 2016. The North Ridge area includes households and living areas, as well as underground shaft tombs, belonging to the Nabataeans. Because this area may have been inhabited by individuals of the lower classes, given the simplistic burial styles and living conditions compared to other parts of Petra, research here contributes to creating a fuller understanding of life and death at this major site. 

I have been working with collections of small finds that were excavated by the Petra North Ridge Project during their 2012, 2014, and 2016 field seasons, such as jewelry, beads, bone tools, and coffin decorations. I will be creating a comparative analysis between the artifacts found in the tombs and the ones found in the domestic areas to gain further insight into Nabataean burial practices. I hope to identify what people were most commonly buried with and if specific ritual, precious, or common household objects were chosen for this purpose.

Upon arriving in Jordan, preparations were made to access the artifact collections at the storage facility in Petra. I was able not only to access the artifacts but also to visit the site of Petra and spend time on the North Ridge looking at the areas that the artifacts came from. This granted me a better understanding of how the North Ridge fits into the site of Petra and where it is located in comparison to the sites of other main archaeological excavations here. The artifact collections were brought back to the American Center in Amman so that I could analyze them in a laboratory setting. All of the artifacts have already been cataloged, and their information has been added to an online database. Photos have also been taken of some of the artifacts.

My goal was to locate the artifacts in the collection that were important for me to see in person, which included those that had special designs or that I was not familiar with. I read the descriptions of the artifacts in the database and compared these to the artifacts themselves to make sure that the descriptions were accurate and had sufficient detail. I also went through the images and identified the artifacts that did not have photos or that needed to be rephotographed. For these, I took new pictures. This also involved taking group photos of similar artifacts, which can be used for future publications. Putting similar beads in groups, for example, or jewelry items together helps to show similarities and differences among objects of the same type (Fig. 2). My research time at the American Center led me to a better understanding of and improved documentation of the artifacts within this collection, which will allow me to complete my data collection and complete my master’s thesis.

McClean Pink is a graduate student in the master’s degree program of the Department of Anthropology at East Carolina University, North Carolina, concentrating on bioarchaeology under the supervision of Dr. Megan Perry. Her thesis will focus on artifacts recovered from Petra’s North Ridge by the Petra North Ridge Project during the 2012, 2014, and 2016 field seasons. Through her research she will explore Nabataean mortuary practices via the comparative analysis of the artifacts found in the non-elite shaft tombs and residential areas dating to the 1st century BCE and 1st century CE. From this analysis will be created an assemblage of artifacts that are related solely to Nabataean mortuary activity as opposed to domestic use. This research not only will contribute to the understanding of mortuary behavior at the North Ridge of Petra but also has the potential to further uncover Nabataean views on identity, death, and mourning.

The post Analyzing Petra’s Small Finds appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

A visit to the Jordan Archaeological Museum on the Amman Citadel or the Jordan Museum in Ras al-Ayn brings you up close with multiple examples of stone statuary from Iron Age Amman (ca. 1150–550 BCE). These impressive sculptures include miniature statues of standing anthropomorphic figures and life-size and nearly life-size sculpted heads. Central to the Amman statuary corpus is a series of male figures with the same arm position and basic dress pattern (Routledge 2004). Most of the Ammonite statues measure below one meter in height and consist of locally abundant limestone. A dramatic addition to this collection came with the 2010 discovery of a colossal basalt statue of a standing male figure (Fig. 1) through rescue excavation in front of the Roman Theatre in downtown Amman (Burnett and Gharib 2014). At 2.10 meters in height and weighing approximately 2 tons, the Amman Theatre Statue adds a new dimension of scale and material to this statuary corpus. These objects represent an elaborate tradition of stone sculpture produced in Iron Age Amman that was distinctive to the Ammonite kingdom and unique on both sides of the Jordan River. 

Comparisons to art from other parts of ancient western Asia and Egypt show that this Ammonite statuary corpus displays a distinct combination of emblems, gestures, and dress features, even while drawing on motifs appearing singly across the broader Near East. For example, hair features, full beards, and clothing details show connections with stone sculpture from north Syria and Mesopotamia. Other motifs come from Egypt, often through the Phoenician coast, especially the characteristic arm position of the male statues, the lotus flower held in the left hand of some statues, and the atef crown on two statues and several heads, which in Egyptian art is worn by Osiris and other deities, and occasionally by human rulers as well. 

But who or what do these sculptures portray? What do they tell us about the ideals, identity, and practices of the Ammonite kingdom and its broader society? The colossal scale of the Amman Theatre Statue certainly suggests a figure of importance. The one inscribed example suggests a statue of a royal figure named YrḥꜤzr (Aufrecht 2019). The distinctly Ammonite form of the atef crown adorning some of the statues and heads might indicate either a king or a god, while other figures appear with a headband or diadem (Horn 1973; Abou Assaf 1980; Daviau and Dion 1994). Beyond these hints, what more can we understand about the meanings and uses of this impressive collection of stone statuary? 

These artistic emblems and motifs—what scholars call the statuary’s iconography—provide the key for answering these questions. Most of these sculptures (except for YrḥꜤzr) lack inscriptions, and all were discovered in archaeological contexts other than their original settings or with no archaeological context at all. Fortunately, the broader Near Eastern parallels offer accompanying archaeological and inscriptional evidence illuminating the meanings and functions of these Ammonite statues. 

 The headgear and flower emblems among the Ammonite statuary prove to be two interrelating elements of iconography, each with its own binary pattern (Burnett 2016). First, the atef crown alternates with the headband diadem in portraying the Ammonite god and the Ammonite king, respectively, as first suggested by Abou Assaf (1980). Second, two statues with the head preserved portray a human ruler wearing a headband or diadem and holding an Egyptian lotus that droops against the left shoulder. In Levantine art, the drooping lotus signifies a deceased royal figure (Van Loon 1980). Thus, the Amman Theatre Statue and the inscribed YrḥꜤzr statue portray deceased Ammonite kings. On the other hand, a headless statue from the Amman Citadel holds a bundle of vividly upright flowers pointing toward the figure’s face, indicating a living royal figure in Levantine art. The two atef-crowned statues of the Ammonite chief god hold no discernable emblems. In sum, the headgear and flower motifs combine to indicate identically posed and dressed images of the Ammonite god and of living and deceased Ammonite human kings (Burnett 2016).

Matching the same basic pattern in headgear are abundant parallels to the Amman Theatre Statue among colossal standing male statues (mostly in basalt) of kings and gods from Iron Age political capitals of northern Syria and southeastern Turkey (Burnett forthcoming). Accompanying these parallels from Carchemish, Zincirli, and other Syro-Anatolian political centers, archaeological and inscriptional evidence attests the veneration of deceased human kings in royal ancestor cults (Voos 1988; Niehr 2014; Lewis 2019). These royal ancestor cults shared five basic elements: stone statues memorializing deceased rulers; belief in the postmortem existence of deceased rulers (sometimes as “divine” figures, defied in death); ritual invocation of the deceased king; food and drink offerings to the deceased ruler; and reciprocity aimed at both a flourishing afterlife for the deceased king and a favorable succession and prosperous rule for his son and successor to the throne (Burnett forthcoming). The similar scale and material of the Amman Theatre Statue and the drooping lotus signifying a deceased Ammonite king in this statue and the YrḥꜤzr statue indicate the Amman series of male statues likewise served a royal ancestor cult, in this case for the Ammonite kingdom. 

Additionally, artistic parallels in Egyptian statuary and Levantine carved ivories indicate the combination of the (originally Egyptian) arm position of the standing Amman figures with the drooping-lotus emblem portrays a divine figure (Burnett forthcoming). In other words, the Amman Theatre Statue and YrḥꜤzr statue indicate not only that these deceased Ammonite kings lived on and received offerings after death but also that they attained in death a divine status that offered symbolic, if not supernatural, benefit to their living successors on the throne and to those living under their rule.  

References

Abou-Assaf, A. 1980. “Untersuchungen zur ammonitischen Rundbildkunst.” Ugarit-Forschungen 12: 7–102.

Aufrecht, W. E. 2019  A Corpus of Ammonite Inscriptions. University Park, Pennsylvania: Eisenbrauns.

Burnett, J. S. 2016 “Egyptianizing Elements in Ammonite Stone Statuary: The Atef Crown and Lotus.” In 9 ICAANE: Proceedings of the 9th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East (June 9–13, 2014, University of Basel). Volume 1: Traveling Images, edited by R. A. von Stucky, O. Kaelin, and H.-P. Mathys, 57–71. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Burnett, J. S. In press. The Amman Theatre Statue in Its Iron Age Contexts. With contributions by R. Gharib and D. Parker. Annual of the American Society of Overseas Research. Boston: American Society of Overseas Research. 

Burnett, J. S., and R. Gharib. 2014–2015, “An Iron Age Basalt Statue from the Amman Theatre Area.” Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 58: 413–421.

Daviau, P. M. M., and P.-E. Dion. 1994 “El, the God of the Ammonites? The Atef-Crowned Head from Tell Jawa, Jordan.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen PalästinaVereins 110: 158–167. 

Horn, S. G. 1973. “The Crown of the King of the Ammonites.” Andrews University Seminary Studies 11: 170–180.

Lewis, T. J. 2019. “Bar Rakib’s Legitimation and the Problem of a Missing Corpse: The End of the Panamuwa Inscription in Light of the Katumuwa Inscription.” Aram 31: 349–74.

Loon, M. van. 1986. “The Drooping Lotus Flower.” In Insight Through Images: Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, edited by Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati, 242–252, pls. 59–61. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 21. Malibu: Undena Publications.

Niehr, H. 2014. “The Katmuwa Stele in the Context of Royal Mortuary Cult at Samʾal.” In In Remembrance of Me: Feasting with the Dead in the Ancient Middle East, edited by V. R. Herrmann and D. J. Schloen, 57–60. Oriental Institute Museum Publications 37. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.

Routledge, B. 2004. Moab in the Iron Age: Hegemony, Polity, Archaeology. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Voos, J. 1988. “Studien zur Rolle von Statuen und Reliefs im syrohethitischen Totenkult während der frühen Eisenseit.” Ethnographisch-archäologische Zeitschrift: 347–362.

Joel S. Burnett is professor of Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic languages in the Department of Religion at Baylor University. He is a biblical scholar and historian of ancient Near Eastern religion. His areas of research center on the history and religion of ancient Israel and Transjordan, the Book of Psalms, and the Pentateuch. A native of South Carlina, Burnett studied at Wofford College (BA, German), Princeton Theological Seminary (MDiv), and Johns Hopkins University (PhD, Near Eastern studies). He is the author of numerous articles and book chapters and the following monographs and essay collection:  A Reassessment of Biblical Elohim (Society of Biblical Literature, 2001); Diachronic and Synchronic—Reading the Psalms in Real Time: Proceedings of the Baylor Symposium on the Book of Psalms(coedited with W.H. Bellinger and W. Dennis Tucker; T & T Clark International, 2007); “Where is God?” Divine Absence in the Hebrew Bible (Fortress, 2010); The Amman Theatre Statue in Its Iron Age Contexts (With contributions by Romel Gharib and Don Parker; American Society of Overseas Research, in press); and Religions of Iron Age Transjordan (Brill, in progress). Burnett enjoys music, outdoor exercise, and traveling with his wife, Jamie. 

The post Ammonite Kings and Gods in Stone: Reading the Iconography in Its Broader Near Eastern Context appeared first on ACOR Jordan.

“Heritage is Jordan’s oil.” This statement, which I heard from heritage experts, development workers, and Jordanian government officials, has come to be the most captivating way for me to summarize my PhD project. With the support of a Harrell Family Fellowship granted by the American Center of Research, I conducted field research in the early summer of 2021 to further investigate what it means when the past becomes a central resource for building futures.

Heritage has indeed opened up markets in Jordan, and the many wonderful sites scattered over the country continue to mesmerize tourists from all over the world. As a political scientist and historian, I explore the political economy of heritage in Jordan, specifically by looking at its links with development projects. The core idea underlying most contemporary heritage development projects is that when heritage sites provide income revenue to the people living near the sites, these people will value the site more and work to protect and preserve it. This, in turn, assures the sustainability of these “resources from the past” for future generations. The American Center’s USAID-funded Sustainable Cultural Heritage Through Engagement of Local Communities Project (SCHEP) has been at the forefront of this type of development initiative in Jordan, building on a legacy of community archaeology projects such as the Madaba Plains Project and Umm El-Jimal.

This idea of value creation and preservation is very interesting, but heritage scholars have been reluctant to highlight the economic value of heritage in their research. Many scholars worry that the commodification of heritage, and its increased use in the tourism market, will be harmful to the cultural value in the long run. Researchers such as Paul Burtenshaw have argued that this reluctance has led to a dearth in heritage scholarship. Regardless of personal opinions on this matter, the economic importance of heritage is clearly growing and thus calls for further research.

In my research I employ ethnographic methods, in combination with historical research, to look closely at this economic-value creation. My research has led me to visit heritage sites big and small in Jordan, and I conducted over ten months of ethnographic research in Madaba, looking at the impact heritage development has had in the city (Fig. 1).

Contrary to many heritage scholars, I think it is problematic to think of heritage as a timeless aspect of human’s engagement with the past. Since “heritage” as a term is relatively young—it only started to be used to refer to culturally significant remnants of the past in the 20th century—it is important to look at the conditions of possibility for the concept to play such an important role in contemporary society. Heritage is now used to build economic and political futures in Jordan, but these practices are shaped by the histories of archaeologists working in the region, of development projects intervening in places, and of colonial understandings of civilization and history.

One aspect that struck me in many of the heritage development projects, is the recurring complaint that Jordanians do not care enough for their heritage. This lament was uttered by Jordanians and foreigners alike in my conversations with them, and it points at the problematic definition of the concept of heritage. While it might be true that some archaeological sites have been beleaguered by vandalism or a lack of investments, it is equally true that most Jordanians have demonstrated a wonderful sense of care and pride in their traditions and histories. There is no denying the importance of tradition in the consumption of coffee, the hosting of guests, the richness of the language, and the abundant diversity of religious practices that suffuse daily life in Jordan (Fig. 2).

The complaint that there is not sufficient care for heritage points to a contestation surrounding the definition of heritage and the ownership of traditions and histories. Expert knowledge tends to alienate people from places suffused with histories, as Allison Mickel (2021) has shown in her salient study of labor practices in archaeology. Sites in Madaba that used to be part of everyday lives, intertwined in relations between past and present, lost their connection to the inhabitants when they were gated off. Sites were then described only in relation to “big events” in a shared history understood by tourists, but their relations to local histories often never made it to the signage (Fig. 3).

The lament that Jordanians do not care about their heritage also has a worrying colonial ring to it. During the destructive times of colonial conquest, Europeans often denoted their colonial subjects as living without a sense of history. During the British occupation of Egypt, Balfour defended the occupation by claiming that it was the English who knew the history of past civilizations in Egypt the best. Their superior knowledge of pharaonic times legitimized, according to Balfour, the presence of English troops on Egyptian soil (Said 1978). Similar arguments were used by France and Belgium to haul important artifacts to imperial museums. Precisely what is considered valuable and to whom clearly has far-reaching effects.

When heritage becomes the resource powering futures, it is crucial to look closely at what aspects of heritage are emancipatory and what aspects alienating. Many archaeologists have been actively rethinking their projects to address these alienating discourses, and heritage development workers have followed suit. A critical study of heritage, and its use in political economy, is a possible way out of lingering colonial ways of thinking. Together with the important work of Abu-Khafajah and Miqdadi (2019) as well as Meskell and Luke (2021), my research places Jordan firmly at the forefront of the growing research on heritage development. It is my hope that my research will contribute to the compassionate work of archaeologists and stress the emancipatory role history can play for the future. 

References

Abu-Khafajah, S., and R. Miqdadi. 2019. “Prejudice, Military Intelligence, and Neoliberalism: Examining the Local within Archaeology and Heritage Oractices in Jordan.” Contemporary Levant 4 (2): 92–106.

Burtenshaw, P. 2014. “Mind the Gap: Cultural and Economic Values in Archaeology.” Public Archaeology 13 (1–3): 48–58.

Jarrar, N. 2021. “A Struggle against Privatization and Neoliberalism.” The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage Bulletin 91: 12–13.

Meskell, L., and C. Luke. 2021. “Developing Petra: UNESCO, the World Bank, and America in the Desert.” Contemporary Levant 6 (2): 126–140.

Mickel, A. 2021. Why Those Who Shovel Are Silent: A History of Local Archaeological Knowledge and Labor. Louisville, CO: University Press of Colorado.

Said, E. W. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books. 

Charlotte Vekemans obtained her BA and MA in history at KU Leuven and her MS in conflict and development studies at Ghent University, Belgium. She published several articles on Belgian colonial rural policy while working at the History Department of KU Leuven and then moved on to earn a PhD in political science, specializing in heritage development, at Ghent University. Her research interests lie in heritage studies, politics of history, development politics, governmentality and new materialism, focusing on the integration of heritage in development projects in the Middle East, specifically in Jordan. She is also active as a teaching assistant for the joint BA in social sciences at Vrije Universiteit Brussel and Ghent University.

The post Exploring the Political Economy of Cultural Heritage appeared first on ACOR Jordan.